GREECE: AN IMPORTANT PARTNER FOR EURO-ATLANTIC
SECURITY
by Nick
Larigakis
May 5, 2009
On April 29,
I attended a conference in Washington, DC titled “A New NATO,
Euro-Atlantic Security, and the Greek-American Partnership” sponsored by
The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, The Defense Analysis of the
Hellenic Ministry of National Defense, The Konstantinos G. Karamanlis
Foundation, and NATO.
The last
panel of the conference was titled “The Future of the Greek-American
Partnership.” During this panel the discussion centered on the
importance and contributions of Greece in the Western Alliance. The
speakers from the Washington think tank community, included from RAND, Dr.
F. Stephen Larrabee and former U.S. Ambassador to Greece, Charles P. Ries.
A very detailed presentation was also given as to Greece’s contributions
by Vice Admiral Dimitrios Elefsiniotis, Deputy Chief of Operations,
Hellenic National Defense General Staff.
The
think-tank experts spoke of Greece in ways which those of us, who follow
the issues daily, are acutely aware of Greece’s immense contributions.
It was especially refreshing and gratifying to hear it from important
elements of the Washington, DC think tank community who have a major role
in formulating U.S. foreign policy. The problem is, these persons have not
published their findings under the auspices of their think tanks. Their
comments, thus, could remain within the walls of the conference room.
It’s important that the information presented receives wider
distribution and that the Greek American community be made aware so that
we can use this information in our discussions and communications with
policy makers.
Dr.
Larrabee’s comments underscored what many of us have been saying for
years, that Greece is “Best placed to play a stable role for the region
and that she has played a leading role for security and stability in the
region…including being a proponent of multilateral cooperation.” He
proclaimed that “Greece has played a major role that the U.S. has wanted
it to play in the Southeastern region.” He said that there has been a
“détente with Turkey since 1999 but that it has been mostly due
to the shift from Greece rather than Turkey.” Although I would concur
with the latter part of the statement, it’s hard to imply that this détente
has been enduring when Turkey continues to violate Greece’s territorial
integrity on a daily basis and still has part of its official policy
“casus belli” as it relates to the Aegean Sea.
Ambassador
Ries spoke of how Washington sees Greece by reiterating Greece’s
strategic location and her membership in NATO and the EU. He said that the
“Balkans are very important in the optic view of how the U.S. sees
Greece” and that Greece is a “Superpower with respect to the
Balkans.”
He said that
“Souda Bay is not mentioned enough” and that its importance left a
“lasting impression when Incirlik was not made available during the Iraq
War.”
This is an
immensely important point which we at the AHI continue to highlight. A few
years ago, I had the opportunity to visit Souda Bay and take a tour of the
American section there. I posed a question about how we consider Souda Bay
to be the most important facility for the projection of U.S. interests in
the region. It was commented that when the Chief of Naval Operations was
asked regarding recommendations for scaling back Navy facilities in the
Mediterranean, he said “Do what you want with the others, but leave
Souda Bay alone.” That speaks volumes for the importance of this
facility.
The
Ambassador mentioned that Washington views Greece not only from the
various issues that we are all aware of, but from the “broader
perspective.” He said that “dialogue and consultations matter” and
that “real issues get you to the table.” I couldn’t agree more. He
continued, the “Greeks need to say how they can help.” I couldn’t
disagree more. This is the paradox that defines, in my opinion, the
U.S.-Greece relationship. While Washington knows what Greece is
contributing, they seem to forget what they already know for whatever
reason—is it for leverage and appeasement as it relates to Turkey?
It’s perplexing and frustrating. The Ambassador also talked about how
the aftermath of Greece’s veto of FYROM in NATO last year “left a bad
taste [in Washington].”
I had a
chance to make some comments. I reminded the Ambassador it was the
previous administration that created a problem for Greece in the
negotiations with FYROM by recognizing FYROM as Macedonia in November,
2004. How could the U.S. question a decision by Greece on acting on an
issue that it felt was in its own national interests? I further mentioned
that Greece, as highlighted by the discussion at the conference, continues
to contribute immensely to the western alliance, including U.S. interests,
and has never asked for 32 billion dollars in exchange for this
cooperation, the amount that Turkey was asking to allow the U.S. forces to
go through Turkish soil to open a northern front in Iraq in 2003.
Significant
communication links for commerce and energy sources pass through Greece
that are important for the wider region. Greece, as highlighted, is
situated at a vitally important strategic region for U.S. and NATO
interests. The projection of these interests depends heavily on the
stability of the region. Thus, the U.S. has an important stake in
fostering good relations between two NATO allies, Greece and Turkey and in
achieving a just and viable settlement of the Cyprus problem.
Greece, is
of vital importance, because of geographic location and being home to the
most important naval base in the Mediterranean Sea, Souda Bay, Crete.
There are thousands of visits by U.S. and NATO military ships and planes
to Souda Bay and its adjacent air base annually. It is critical for the
United States to deliver troops, cargo, and supplies to Iraq and
Afghanistan.
On March
19th at a roll out ceremony to unveil the delivery to the Greek Air Force
of the “F-16 Peace Xenia IV” in Fort Worth, Texas, Bruce S. Lemkin,
Deputy Under Secretary of the Air Force, stated: “From World War II and
the Cold War through today, Greece had remained a stalwart NATO ally and
friend. [Since 9/11] Greece [has] provided strong political support, the
use of Greek airspace, and offered Greek military assets to combat
terrorism, including the deployment of a Greek frigate to the Arabian Sea
for almost two years!..Greece has been resolute in its support of
operations in the struggles against terrorism and extremism, through the
vitally important use of Souda Bay Air Field as landing base, unrestricted
over flights, and providing a continuous rotation of personnel to
Afghanistan since 2002.”
In
addition, Greece is a top contributor to the defense efforts of NATO,
spending an estimated 3% of its GDP on defense, and is also an active
participant in peacekeeping and peace-building operations conducted by
international organizations, including the UN, NATO, the EU, and OSCE. And
as Vice Admiral Elefsiniotis stated, there are currently “2,200 Greek
military personnel” deployed in these operations.
In promoting
a multilateral approach to diplomacy and foreign policy, the U.S. should
look to Greece as an immensely valuable link in this region. With its
close cultural, political and economic ties to the Mediterranean
countries, the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the Middle East, Greece is an
ideal strategic partner for the U.S. with regard to diplomatic, political,
and economic relations with countries from these regions.
Greece is by
far the most economic and politically stable country in the Balkans. It
has assisted the U.S. in bringing political stability and economic
development to this volatile region, having invested over $22 billion in
the countries of the region, thereby creating over 200,000 new jobs, and
having contributed over $750 million in development aid for the region.
Greece is a
vitally important ally for Euro-Atlantic security and U.S. interests. She
contributes to the alliance because she takes her responsibilities as a
member very seriously and does not attempt to leverage her cooperation for
personal gain. That can’t be said for all members. The U.S. needs to
start acknowledging this reality more resolutely at all levels of our
foreign policy institutions.
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